{"id":27000,"date":"2023-08-10T00:00:43","date_gmt":"2023-08-10T03:00:43","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/bambisafkar.ca\/?p=27000"},"modified":"2023-08-10T13:46:20","modified_gmt":"2023-08-10T16:46:20","slug":"troy-media-camrose-voice-published-excerpts-from-rima-azars-chapter-on-identity-politics-in-the-1867-project-book","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/bambisafkar.ca\/index.php\/2023\/08\/10\/troy-media-camrose-voice-published-excerpts-from-rima-azars-chapter-on-identity-politics-in-the-1867-project-book\/","title":{"rendered":"Troy Media & Camrose Voice published excerpts from Rima Azar’s chapter on identity politics in “The 1867 Project” book"},"content":{"rendered":"
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The pictures to the right and left were taken from Troy Media<\/em>.
The picture in the centre was taken the Aristotle Foundation<\/em> For Public Policy<\/em> website. Beirut’s picture was taken by Mr. Maxime Guy.<\/figcaption><\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n

Troy Media<\/strong><\/em>: https:\/\/shorturl.at\/zJPY4<\/a> ; this published article appears below. It is followed by a French-Arabic fusion song (Macias-Fairuz) about migration, which is performed by a HIGHLY impressive young singer-songwriter and pianist called Ms. Christa Maria Abu Akl (Qu\u00e9bec, Canada).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

& Camrose Voice<\/strong><\/em>: https:\/\/shorturl.at\/aftT8<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bambi (or Rima Azar)’ s earlier articles submitted to Troy Media<\/em>: https:\/\/shorturl.at\/nEGLO<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Aristotle Foundation for Public Policy<\/strong><\/em>: https:\/\/shorturl.at\/tzDJM<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The above think tank had the following message today: “If you’ve not yet viewed this insightful two-minute video on the destructiveness of identity politics–assuming ethnicity, race, and gender explain much and treating people differently as a result–see Rima Azar explain how Lebanon’s dive into identity politics was a disaster”.<\/em> It’s a warning for Canada”. Watch Rima’s video<\/em>: I know what identity politics does to a nation–I’m from Lebanon<\/a>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

“The 1867 Project<\/a> now has 132 reviews on Amazon! Click here<\/a> to see what readers are saying and why it continues to be a bestseller<\/em>“. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

—<\/p>\n\n\n\n

How identity politics played a key role in the downfall of Lebanon<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Gibran Khalil Gibran\u2019s Garden of the Prophet, the author wrote of how we should \u201cPity the nation divided into fragments, each fragment deeming itself a nation.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The nation described by Gibran was neither his adopted country \u2013 the United States, nor mine, Canada \u2013 but the birth country of both of us:  Lebanon, divided by religion. Gibran\u2019s and my birthplace is a 20th-century example of the destructive power of identity politics.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

To grasp the danger of modern identity politics, we must realize that this movement sees all of us not as individuals but as an extension only of our colour, gender, ethnicity, etc. In other words, we are defined and trapped by our identity. It thus helps to remember that dividing people in such ways is not new. However, history teaches us it is also dangerous.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The State of Greater Lebanon was officially declared on Sept. 1, 1920, and later, under the French mandate of 1926, Lebanon\u2019s constitution implemented a republic in which political power was divided among the country\u2019s 18 religious sects according to their share of the country\u2019s population. In essence, Lebanon\u2019s parliament and its power were divided by religious identity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This French-designed \u201chodgepodge\u201d of various peoples and religious traditions seems to have worked for a while. After its independence from France in 1943, Lebanon even served as a refuge for those fleeing other regional conflicts. When peace prevailed, Beirut, the Lebanese capital, became a vibrant centre of commerce, banking, and trade. It also became both an intellectual and tourism hub.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, Lebanon has also been in the middle of both geographic and religious conflicts, which, along with being used as a proxy by other states, exacerbated the identity divisions within Lebanon itself.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The result of all such fault lines led to a 15-year-long civil war (1975 to 1990), with 100,000 to 150,000 people killed, between 800,000 and one million displaced residents, and several billion dollars worth of destruction to infrastructure and private property. The Lebanese civil war intensified the danger of belonging to the \u201cwrong\u201d tribe. Eventually, when kidnapped or stopped at militia checkpoints, Lebanese citizens could be killed just for being the \u201cwrong\u201d identity (i.e., the \u201cwrong\u201d religion).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In short, and tragically, identity- or sectarian-based politics fuelled civil war in Lebanon.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The tragedy of Lebanon and the danger and tragedy of identity politics have been on my mind in recent years because of my own immigration story. I landed in Montreal in 1990 at the age of 17 and soon felt that I was Canadian.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Fifteen years later, when I moved to Toronto, it took me all of two weeks to feel Torontonian, to feel at home. Later, when I left \u201cHogtown\u201d after four years, I deliberately took the time to say goodbye to all those familiar faces whom I used to see daily, including those in the stores in the subway and on my street.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

After I left Toronto to accept a tenure-track position at Mount Allison University in Sackville, New Brunswick, it took me two days to feel \u201cSackvillian\u201d and a proud New Brunswicker. Ever the bad cook, I nevertheless managed to create a seafood chowder that led to my friends telling me I was officially a Maritimer.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The ease I had identifying and integrating with local communities was made possible because Canada was founded on the notion that individuals should be treated as equal before the law, with neither favouritism nor prejudice shown based on irrelevant characteristics.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Even though this ideal wasn\u2019t fully realized at Canada\u2019s birth, by the 1960s and definitely by 1990, when I arrived, it was against the law to discriminate based on someone\u2019s ethnicity or similar reasons. This belief in individual rights is a fundamental part of what makes Canada, Canada and should not be forgotten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

My family, along with many other immigrants, both old and new, always dreamed of coming to Canada, despite its imperfections and history. They love their adoptive country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

My advice to \u201cnewcomers\u201d: Don\u2019t let others who claim to speak on your behalf upend Canada\u2019s focus on the rights of the individual. Some people act like they know what\u2019s best for the rest of us while forcing their narrow sectarian ideology on everyone while obsessing about diversity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

That\u2019s also why I don\u2019t support politicians and other influential people playing with identity politics. It\u2019s a risky game that can hurt all of us.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Is it not simpler, wiser, and safer for us as newcomers to celebrate our love for our adoptive country and love it back? Embracing extreme ideologies may risk weakening, paralyzing, or potentially destroying the country we came to for a better life, making it more like the troubled places we left.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Rima Azar, PhD, is an Associate Professor of Health Psychology at Mount Allison University in Sackville, New Brunswick. This excerpt is from the Aristotle Foundation\u2019s new book, The 1867 Project: Why Canada Should be Cherished\u2014Not Cancelled<\/a>, edited by Mark Milke.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

For interview requests, click here<\/a>.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

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The opinions<\/a> expressed by our columnists and contributors<\/a> are theirs alone and do not inherently or expressly reflect the views of our publication.<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

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